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Richard Ettinghausen et al.

From The Art and Architecture of Islam: 650-1250
© 1987 Yale University Press
Reproduced by permission of Yale University Press


1. S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, 3 vols (Berkeley, 1967-77), among many studies by this scholar, and essays by B. Lewis, G. von Grunebaum, O. Grabar, and others in A. Raymond, M. Rogers, and M. Wahba, eds, Colloque International sur L'histoire du Caire (Leipzig, 1973). See now the exhibition catalogue Trésors fatimides du Caire (Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris, 1998) or its Viennese version Schätze der Kalifen (Vienna, 1998) and the forthcoming volume edited by M. Barrucand of the congress on the Fatimids held in Paris in 1998.

2. G. Maçais, La Berbèrie musulmane et l'Orient (Paris, 1946, repr. Casablanca, 1991).

3. The main book on Fatimid architecture is K. A. C. Creswell, Muslim Architecture of Egypt (Oxford, 1952). More recent studies are mentioned with the monuments or issues they discuss.

4. Creswell, MAE, 1-10; Marçais, Architecture, 78 ff.; S. M. Zbiss, 'Mahdia et Sabra-Mansouriya', Journal Asiatique 244 (1956), 78 ff.; Alexandre Lézine, Mahdiya (Paris, 1965).

5. For two different views on the interpretation of the remains see Creswell, MAE, 3-5, and Marçais, Architecture, 90-92; mostly superseded by Lézine, 17ff.

6. Marçais, Architecture, 78-79; Zbiss, 'Mahdia', 79 ff.

7. M. Canard, 'Le Cérémonial fatimite et le cérémonial byzantin', Byzantion 21 (1951). See now P. Saunders, Ritual, Politics, and the City in Fatimid Cairo (Albany 1994).

8. Creswell, MAE, 5-9; Marçais, Architecture, 69-70; Lézine, Mahdiya, 65 ff., with many improvements in interpretation.

9. Zbiss, 'Mahdia ', on the whole theme see G. Marçais, 'Salle, Antisalle', AIEO 10 (1952), 274 ff.

10. L. Golvin, Le Maghreb Central à l'époque des Zirides (Paris, 1957).

11. Latest statement by Lucien Golvin, Recherches archéologiques à la Qala des Banu Hammad (Paris, 1965).

12. F. Gabrieli, 'Il palazzo hammadita di Bigaya', in R. Ettinghausen, ed., Festschrift für Ernst Kühnel (Berlin, 1959).

13. Golvin, Recherches, 123 ff.

14. Ugo Monneret de Villard, Le pitture musulmane al soffitto della Cappella Palatina in Palermo (Rome, 1950).

15. Maqrizi, Khitat, 2 vols (Cairo, A.H. 1270).

16. Published in MMAT and MIFAO.

17. M. van Berchem in MMAF 19 (1903), with supplement by G. Wiet in MIFAO 52 (1929).

18. For Fustat exacavations see the numerous reports by G. Scanlon, especially in the Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt (ARCE); for recent summaries R.-P. Gayraud, ed., Colloque International d'Archéologie Islamique (Cairo, 1998) and Annales Islamologiques 29 (1995).

19. The origin of the word is discussed by Creswell, MAE, 21-22.

20. M. Herz, Die Baugruppe von Qalaun (Hamburg, 1919).

21. In MMAF I (1887-89).

22. E. Pauty, Les Palais et les maisons d'époque musulmane au Caire, MIFAO 63 (1933).

23. Maqrizi, Khitat 1, 432-33.

24. Nasir-i Khosrow, Sefer-Nameh, trans. C. Schefer (Paris, 1881), 127 ff.

25. Ten are enumerated by Maqrizi, Khitat I, 465 ff.

26. M. Canard, 'La Procession du nouvel an', AIEO 13 (1955), based on Inostrantzev's great work on the subject; see also Saunders, Ritual.

27. Creswell, MAE, 129 ff.; Aly Baghat and A. Gabriel, Les Fouilles de Foustat (Paris, 1932). Scanlon in particular has commented on many such houses.

28. Creswell, MAE, 59, fig. 23.

29. Whether this was so hinges on the interpretation of Maqrizi, Khitat 2, 273; 2, 21-27; Creswell, MAE, 36, believed that there were domes at the corners of the hall of prayer, although the text mentions a dome 'in the first arcade to the right of the mihrab'.

30. Maqrizi, Khitat, 280-81.

31. For a new interpretation of the Hakim mosque see Jonathan Bloom, 'The Mosque of el-Hakim in Cairo', Muqarnas I (1982).

32. Creswell, MAE, 94 ff.

33. S. Flury, Die Ornamente der Hakim- and Ashar-Moschee (Heidelberg, 1912), whose comparative material is, however, much out of date.

34. Creswell, MAE, 104.

35. I. Bierman, Writing Signs, the Fatimid Public Text (Berkeley, 1998).

36. H. Stern, in Ars Orientalis 5 (1963); O. Grabar, The Shape of the Holy (Princeton, 1996), 135-69.

37. O. Grabar, 'The Earlier Islamic Commemorative Structures', Ars Orientalis 6 (1966), 7-46. For a different view see Youssouf Ragheb, 'Les Premiers Monuments funéraires de l'Islam', Annales Islamologiques 9 (1970), 21-36. One should note the peculiar earlier occurrence of the Tabataba mausoleum in Cairo, if this is what it was; Creswell, MAE 2, 16 ff., and Grabar, II; see also C. Taylor, 'Reconstructing the Shi'i Role', Muqarnas 9 (1992).

38. Creswell, MAE, 107 ff.

39. Creswell, MAE, 131 ff., with a full account of the disaster which led to the disappearance of the inscriptions; A. M. Abd al-Tawab, Stèles islamiques de la Nécropole d'Aswan, rev. Solange Ory (Cairo, 1977).

40. J. Bloom, 'The Mosque of the Qarafa in Cairo', Muqarnas 4 (1987).

41. A very interesting group of tombs with important finds of textiles has recently been uncovered by Gayraud.

42. Maqrizi, Khitat, 2, 298.

43. Creswell, MAE I, 241 ff.

44. Creswell, MAE I, 275 ff.

45. Maqrizi, Khitat 2, 289.

46. Creswell, MAE I, II; above, pp. 29, 87.

47. Creswell, MAE I, 222 ff. and 247 ff.

48. Creswell, MAE I, 155 ff.; Max van Berchem, 'Une mosquée du temps des Fatimides au Caire', Bulletin de l'Institut d'Egypte 3 (1899), 605 ff.; Grabar, Commemorative, 27-29.

49. Creswell, MAE I, 110 ff.

50. Such is my interpretation of an example in a Coptic church which was taken by Creswell to be an experimental one (Creswell, MAE I, fig. 131).

51. For a more sophisticated explanation see J. Bloom, 'The Muqarnas in Egypt', Muqarnas 5 (1988).

52. Bloom, 'Muqarnas', 162-63.

53. Caroline Williams, 'The Cult of Alid Saints in the Fatimid Monuments of Cairo', Muqarnas 1 (1983).

54. S. D. Goitein, 'The Main Industries of the Mediterranean Area as Reflected in the Records of the Cairo Geniza', Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient 4 (1961), 168-69.

55. For documentation on textile production, for example, see R. B. Serjeant, 'Material for a History of Islamic Textiles up to the Mongol Conquest', Ars Islamica 13-14 (1948), 88-113.

56. These data have been recorded by al-Qadi al-Rashid ibn al-Zubayr, Kitab al-Dhakhair wa-l-Tuhaf, ed. M. Hamidullah (Kuwait, 1959), trans. and annot. G. al-Qaddumi. Book of Gifts and Rarities, (Cambridge, MA, 1996) paragraphs 370-414 and by Maqrizi in Kitab al-Mawa'iz wa'l-I'tibar bi-dhikr al-khitat wa'l-'Athar I (Bulaq, 1854), 414-16, trans. P. Kahle, 'Die Schatze der Fatimiden', Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, N.F. 14 (1935), 338-61. They form the basis of Zaky M. Hassan, Kunuz al-Fatimiyin (The Treasures of the Fatimids) (Cairo, 1937).

57. Serjeant, 'Material', 111-13, again quoting Maqrizi.

58 . In spite of the enormous numbers mentioned by Maqrizi, only about 181 carved rock-crystal pieces have been discovered so far; see K. Erdmann, 'Neue islamische Bergkristalle', Ars Orientalis 3 (1959), 201.

59. R. Ettinghausen, 'The "Beveled Style" in the Post-Samarra Period', in G. C. Miles, ed., Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld (Locust Valley, N.Y., 1952), 75, pl. X no. 3.

60. E. Pauty, Catalogue général du Musée Arabe du Caire (Cairo, 1931), pls XXIII-XXV.

61. The vogue for similarly decorated doors was to continue in Egypt for more than a hundred years. The panelled doors depicted on the stone façade of the Mosque of al-Aqmar (1125) are quite close in design to those illustrated here and also resemble the wooden doors in the mosque itself. See Figure 305; D. Behrens-Abouseif, 'The Façade of the Aqmar Mosque in the Context of Fatimid Ceremonial', Muqarnas (1992) 9, fig. 4, p. 34; and M. Jenkins, 'An Eleventh-Century Woodcarving from a Cairo Nunnery', in R. Ettinghausen, ed., Islamic Art in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, 1972), fig. 20, 238. Eight similar door panels found in the area of Raqqa (Ebla to Damascus: Art and Archaeology of Ancient Syria, exh. cat., Washington, D.C., 1985, cat. no. 271, pp. 522-23) testify to the popularity of this type of architectural ornament in Greater Syria at this time as well. Its echoes can be seen as late as c. 1143 in the doors of La Martorana in Palermo, Sicily.

That such decoration continued for coffered wooden ceilings and corbels can be seen in the representations of such architectural elements in stone on Bab al-Futuh (1087); cf. Creswell, MAE I (Oxford, 1952), pls 65c, d and 66a, b.

62. See Pauty, Catalogue, pls XLI and XLII.

63. Pauty, Catalogue, pls XLVI-LVIII. Some of the themes have been analysed by G. Marçais, 'Les Figures d'hommes et bêtes dans les bois sculptés d'êpoque fatimite musulmane', Mélanges Maspero, III: Orient islamique (Cairo, 1940), 241-57. See also Jenkins, 'Eleventh-century Woodcarving' 227-30; Pauty, Catalogue, pl. XXXVIIIab; and Treasures of Islam, exh. cat. Musée d'Art et d'Histoire, Geneva, 1985, cat. no. 357, p. 343. For excellent illustrations of the series illustrated [315] and many other objects produced under Fatimid aegis and presently housed in the Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, see Schätze der Kalifen: Islamische Kunst zur Fatimidenzeit, exh. cat., Vienna, 16 November 1998-21 February 1999.

64. See R. Ettinghausen, 'Early Realism in Islamic Art', Studi orientalistici in onore di Giorgio Levi della Vida I (Rome, 1956), 259-62. Echoes of this stylistic trend can be seen in the fragmentary wooden ceiling of the first half of the twelfth century from the Cappella Palatina, now in the Galleria Regionale della Sicilia, Palermo; cf. G. Curatola, Eredità dell'Islam: arte islamica in Italia, exh. cat., Palazzo Ducale, Venice, 30 October 1993-30 April 1994, cat. no. 86, pp. 197-98. Both of these groups of wood-carvings will be discussed in Chapter 8.

65. Islamic Art in Egypt, 969-1517, exh. cat., Cairo, April 1969, cat. no. 234, p. 246, fig. 40.

66. J. Sourdel-Thomine and B. Spuler, Die Kunst des Islam (Berlin, 1973), fig. 240, and Chapter 7, below [457].

67. See 30 ans au service du patrimoine, Institut National d'Archéologie et d'Art, Tunis, 1986, nos IV.51-54, 56, pp. 257-9.

68. E . Kuhnel, Die islamischen Elfenbeinskulpturen VIII-XIII Fahrhunderts (Berlin, 1971) pl. XCIX. For illustrations of other similar plaques in Berlin and the Louvre see also pls XCVII-XCVIII.

69. We know that this illusion of three dimensions was highly appreciated in eleventh-century Egypt from al-Maqrizi's report of an artistic competition in which an Iraqi painted a dancing girl in such a way that she seemed to be emerging from a niche, but was outdone by his Egyptian rival, who painted a dancing girl as if she were entering a niche. For references to this passage anda discussion of its significance see R. Ettinghausen, 'Painting in the Fatimid Period: A Reconstruction', Ars Islamica 9 (1942), 112-13.

70. M. Jenkins, 'The Palmette Tree: A Study of the Iconography of Egyptian Lustre Painted Pottery', Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 7 (1968), 119-26, and R. Pinder-Wilson, 'An Early Fatimid Bowl Decorated in Lustre', in R. Ettinghausen, ed., Aus des Welt der islamischen Kunst: Festschrift fur Ernst Kühnel (Berlin, 1959), 139-43. Another large single fragment from this dish was seen by Marilyn Jenkins-Madina in 1974 in the International Ceramics Museum, Faenza, Italy, acc. no. AB1231.

71. M. Jenkins, 'Muslim: An Early Fatimid Ceramist', The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin (May 1968), 359-69. Contrary to A. Contadini, Fatimid Art at the Victoria and Albert Museum (London, 1998), 80, the motif (or motifs) decorating the centre of this dish is impossible to ascertain.

72. G. Berti and L. Tongiorgi, Ceramici medievali delle Chiese di Pisa (Rome, 1981), 56 and tav. CLXXXIX top.

73. F. Aguzzi, 'I bacini della Torre Civica', Sibrium (1973-75), fig. 1, p. 191, and fig. 4, p. 192. M. Jenkins-Madina's dating for such ware supersedes that suggested by V. Porter and O. Watson in their "'Tell Minis" Wares', in Syria and Iran: Three Studies in Medieval Ceramics (Oxford Studies in Islamic Art, 4) (1987), 175-248. See also M. Jenkins, 'Early Medieval Islamic Pottery: The Eleventh Century Reconsidered', Muqarnas 9 (1992), 56-66.

74. As with the wood, it is not at all surprising to find an increase of human and animal motifs in Fatimid Egyptian ceramic objects given the traditions of their predecessors, the Aghlabids, and of their forbears in Ifriqiya - 'it was simply a part of their tradition and it couId have come into Egypt as early as they did. As to how it happened, there are many possible answers, some of which include the fact that the conquering Fatimids could have brought potters or pottery or both with them from Sabra al-Mansuriyya; trade with the Ifriqiyan capital and/or with Spain and al-Qal'a; potters emmigrating from a ruined Madinat al-Zahra or Sabra al-Mansuriyya after the bedouin invasion - the devastation of Ifriqiya more or less occurring during the time of the liquidation of the Fatimid imperial treasury.' M. Jenkins, 'Western Islamic Influences on Fatimid Egyptian Iconography', Kunst des Orients 10 (1976), 105, in response to O. Grabar, 'Imperial and Urban Art in Islam: The Subject Matter of Fatimid Art', Colloque International sur l'Histoire du Caire (Cairo, 1972), 173-89.

75. Acc. no. 14987. M. Mostafa, 'Fatimid Lustred Ceramics', Egypt Travel Magazine 2 (1954), fig. 10.

76. Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, no. 13080. See also E. J. Grube, Islamic Pottery of the Eighth to the Fifteenth Century in the Keir Collection (London, 1976), 138-42, pl. facing 136, top. For a general discussion of ceramics see M. Jenkins, 'Islamic Pottery', Bull. MMA, 40:4 (1983). Pieces with clearly identifiable Christian subject matter fall into this undatable lustre-painted group as well. Reflecting the important role that Coptic Christians played in medieval Egyptian society, clerics, for example, are represented, and on one fragment Christ is depicted making the gesture of blessing; cf. exh. cat., Schätze der Kalifen, cat. no. 126, p.159. See also a dish with an image of a priest swinging a censer, now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, in A. Lane, Early Islamic Pottery: Mesopotamia, Egypt and Persia, London, 1947, pl. 26A, and see also M. Jenkins-Madina entry in The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843-1261, exh. cat., New York, 1997, cat. no. 273, p. 417. For a discussion of the inscriptions on this bowl see M. Jenkins, 'Sad: Content and Context', in Priscilla P. Soucek, ed., Content and Context of Visual Arts in the Islamic World (University Park, PA, 1988), pp. 67-89.

77. M. Jenkins, 'Early Medieval Islamic Pottery'; also R. B. Mason, R. M. Farquhar, and P. E. Smith, 'Lead-Isotope Analysis of Islamic Glazes: An Exploratory Study', Muqarnas 9 (1992), 67-71. This category was previously thought to have come from the Garrus district of Iran.

78. The compelling parallels between the ornamentation on wares of this type and those with lustre-painted decoration are just beginning to be explored. Perhaps this find will eventually help scholars to answer the questions raised above about the date of the luster group with figural designs. One is also struck by the similarity between the decoration on these ceramic objects and that on a type of metalwork (see R. Ettinghausen and O. Grabar, Art and Architecture of Islam, 650-1250 A.D. (London, 1987), fig. 252, which has been variously dated and attributed. Perhaps this wreck can help to answer questions about the metal group as well.

79. M. Jenkins-Madina, 'Glazed Pottery', in G. F. Bass, S. Matthews, J. R. Steffy, and F. H. vanDoorninck, Jr, Serce Limani: An Eleventh-Century Shipwreck, Volume II: The Cargo (in press - Texas A & M University Press). For discussion of earlier such ware, see above, Chapter 4, p. 118 and [185].

80. Jenkins, 'Western Islamic Influences' and Scanlon 'Slip-painted Early Lead-glazed Wares from Fustat: A Dilemma of Nomenclature', Colloque International d'archéologie Islamique, Cairo, 3-7 fevrier, 1993. Besides Ifriqiya, southern Spain, and Egypt, such ware was also made in what is now Portugal cf. C. Torres, Cerâmica islâmica portuguesa, exh. cat., Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, Lisbon, 16-27 November 1987, no. 79. It is clear from this accidental find, however, that the theory that within a century after the height of the 'Samarra revolution' sgraffiato ware 'dominated to the exclusion of many of the earlier wares' (see E. J. Grube, Cobalt and Lustre: The First Centuries of Islamic Pottery (London, 1994), 34) should not be construed to cover splash-decorated ware. Bacini in the Abbazia in Pomposa further confirm a date for this vase in the first half of the eleventh century; cf. G. Ballardini, 'Pompose e i suoi Bacini', Faenza 24 (1936), 121-28, tavola XXX. This category was previously known as 'Fayyumi'.

81. V. Porter and O. Watson, '"Tell Minis" Wares,' Syria and Iran: Three Studies in Medieval Ceramics, (Oxford Studies in Islamic Art), eds. J. Allan and C. Roberts, IV, Oxford, 1987, p. 238, figs B8a, B9; pp. 242-43, figs B24-B29, and p. 245, fig. C8. Pottery of a very similar type was also produced in Ifriqiya and Portugal e.g. G. Vitelli, Islamic Carthage: The Archaeological, Historical and Ceramic Evidence, Institut National d'Archéologie et d'Art de Tunisie, CEDAC, Dossier 2, 1981, 112, no. 1.13; and C. Torres, Ceramica, nos 5-56.

82. See Jenkins, 'Early Medieval Islamic Pottery,' fig. 19, p. 63.

83. Berti and Tongiorgi, Ceramici medievali, no. 81, pl. CLXXXVI.

84. The technique employed in executing the decoration on both of these ceramic types is identical to that used on the champlevé group except that on the former groups it is the body itself that is carved away and not simply the slip. Jenkins, 'Early Medieval Islamic Pottery,' 64.

85. It has been assumed, solely on the basis of ten fragmentary relief-cut glass vessels with calligraphic, vegetal, or figural decoration excavated at Nishapur, that such sophisticated table ware was produced in that city; cf. J. Kroger, Nishapur: Glass of the Early Islamic Period, (New York, 1995), 20-21, 137-46. Opinions are divided, but Marilyn Jenkins-Madina, for the reasons outlined below, feels much more comfortable placing the manufacture of the highly refined relief-cut glass vessels and those of rock crystal in Egypt or Iraq. Not only was the number of the finest relief-cut glass objects recovered at Nishapur exceedingly small but the fact that no kilns for any type of glass-making were discovered during the excavations at that site and no contemporary texts sing the praises of any type of Nishapur glass production makes one question, at this juncture in our study of this medium, whether glass was produced in Nishapur at this time at all. However, as our study of glass production in the Muslim world is in its infancy, this statement may have to be modified at a later date.

86. The first was that during which the earliest lustre-painted glass vessels were produced.

87. Perhaps the only other artisans to apply this exacting and difficult lapidary technique to glass with such perfect skill were the fashioners of the Late Antique so-called diatreta cups; cf. D. B. Harden, H. Hellenkemper, K. Painter, and D. Whitehouse, Glass of the Caesars (Milan, 1987), cat. nos 134-39, pp. 238-49.

88. Its mounting is not original to the object. The engraved gold, interior, mounting is dated to the tenth century and the gilded silver exterior mounting with Byzantine enamel and filigree decorated plaques set with semi-precious stones is dated to the twelfth or thirteenth centuries; cf. Avinoam Shalem, Islam Christianized: Islamic Portable Objects in the Medieval Church Treasuries of the Latin West (Frankfurt, 1996), no. 77, p. 227 and fig. 16. See also H. R. Hahnloser, ed., Il tesoro de San Marco (Florence, 1971), 2 vols, cat. no. 117. Although Marilyn Jenkins-Madina does not yet have a satisfactory reading for the Arabic word in angular script carved on the base of this bowl, the likelihood of its reading 'Khurasan' is extremely slight, as this is the name not of a city or town but of a province. This particular type of metal, which is exceedingly rare for three-dimensional objects, was not used for coin weights until the reign of the Fatimid caliph al-Aziz (r. 975-96). Two other complete objects in this metal are the carafe in the Corning Museum of Glass, Corning, N.Y.: (Islam and the Medieval West, exh. cat., State University of New York at Binghamton, 6 April-4 May 1975, cat. no. G9), and a lustre-painted object in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (see M. Jenkins, 'Islamic Glass: A Brief History', Bull. MMA, (Fall 1986), 23, no. 21). Threads of this metal are also to be seen on glass objects from the Arab world, e.g. The Madina Collection, New York, 110. G0060.

89. See Kahle, 'Schätze', 329-62, esp. items 8, 10, 27, and Priscilla Soucek, 'Mina'i, Encyclopedia of Islam, N.S. 7, 73. The green relief-cut glass vessel in Venice (cf. The Treasury of San Marco Venice, exh. cat., New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1984, cat. no. 27, p. 100, and Shalem, Islam Christianized, 59 and 228, fig. 53) is, most probably, one such vessel made in imitation of an emerald receptacle. See also M. Jenkins-Madina, 'Fatimid Decorative Arts: The Picture the Sources Paint', in L'Egypte fatimide: son art et son histoire (Paris, 28, 29, and 30 mai 1998, (Paris, 1999)).

90. One of these is a closely related, and roughly contemporary (1000-08), rock-crystal ewer in the Pitti Palace, Florence (see Ettinghausen and Grabar, Art and Architecture, 194, fig. 179), which in 1998 was accidentally broken (see 'Oops, It Slipped', Art Newspaper (January 1999). The third datable object in this medium is a crescent in the name of al-Zahir (r. 1021-36) in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg (Ettinghansen and Grabar, 193, fig. 178).

91. The similarly shaped glass ewer (without, however, the relief-cut decoration) found in the Northern Pagoda of Chaoyang and datable to the Chongxi reign (1032-51) of the Liao dynasty may indicate that the glass versions imitated those in rock-crystal, see An Jiayao, 'Dated Islamic Glass in China', Bulletin of the Asia Institute, N.S. 5 (1991), fig. 17. The glass ewer discussed in Chapter 5 [281] with its datable parallel unearthed in China supports a similar conclusion.

92. The Treasury of San Marco, nos 31, 32, pp. 216-27.

93. C. J. Lamm, Mittelalterliche Gläser and Steinschnittarbeiten aus dem Nahen Osten (Berlin, 1930), 1, 211, nos 10, 11 pl. 75 no. 10. For a list of other early arrivals in Europe see K. Erdmann, 'Fatimid Rock Crystals', Oriental Art 3 (1951), 142. The first section of Shalem, Islam Christianized, 17-125, is a good discussion of why Islamic objects are to be found in European church treasuries and how they got there.

94. In view of the close technical and stylistic relationship between relief-cut glass and carved rock crystal, the latter mainly worked in Egypt, and of the great number of pieces of this type of glass reported in contemporary accounts, as well as of vessels and fragments of this variety actually found there, we must conclude that such glass was manufactured in Egypt during the early Fatimid period and even before. Although no indisputable evidence of glass manufacture has been excavated in Fustat, the Geniza documents provide conclusive proof that glass (of unspecified types except for the moulded variety) was being produced in Egypt during the Medieval Islamic period; cf. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, Vol. I, 94, 110, 363, and 365. It also seems highly probable that it was made in Iraq where, in the ninth century, Basra had a reputation as an outstanding glass producing centre (Lamm, Mittelalterliche Gläser 2, 496-98, esp. nos 76, 81-83, 91, 92). The only examples of glass dating from the ninth or tenth century to provide epigraphic evidence of an Iraqi origin, however, are lustre-painted pieces associated with Basra and the mould-blown vessels from Baghdad discussed in Chapter 2, above (R. Ettinghausen, 'An Early Islamic Glass-Making Center', Record of the Museum of Historic Art, Princeton University I (1942), 4-7; D. S. Rice, 'Early Signed Islamic Glass', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (April, 1958), 12-16, fig. 4, pls IV-VI). As it did in Egypt, the cutting of semi-precious stones in Iraq probably affected the glass industry, for, according to the famous Iranian scientist at al-Biruni, Basra was the outstanding centre for the carving of rock crystal (P. Kahle, 'Bergkristall, Glas and Glasflusse nach dem Steinbuch von el-Beruni', Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, N.F. 15 (1936), 332). It must have been a well-organized craft, for al-Biruni speaks of highly paid designers who found the most suitable shape for each rock and of carvers who executed the work. Unfortunately, however, with one possible exception (a small flacon found during the excavations of Wasit, the first important town to the north of Basra on the Tigris route; Erdmann, 'Bergkristalle', 202, text figure A and fig. 4), none of the existing carved rock crystals can be definitely attributed to Basra. Sheila Blair, 'An Inscribed Rock Crystal from 10th-century Iran or Iraq', Riggisberger Berichte 6 (1998), 345-53.

95. For a carafe with a very similar decoration found at Sabra al-Mansuriyya, see G. Marçais and L. Poinssot, Objets kairouanais, IXe au XIIIe siecle: reliures, verreries, cuivres et bronzes, bijoux, Notes & Documents, XI - Fasc. 2 (Tunis, 1952), 379-82, LV, LVIII. The bodies of the animals depicted on both the illustrated beaker and the vessel found in Ifriqiya are ornamented with hatched lines, a convention very popular on pottery produced in Ifriqiya and at Qal'at Bani Hammad in present-day Algeria.

96. Jenkins, Islamic Glass, no. 31, pp. 30-31.

97. Jenkins, Islamic Glass, no. 41, p. 34.

98. Lamm, Mittelalterliche Gläser I, 109, no. 3.

99. R. B. Serjeant, Islamic Textiles, Material for a History up to the Mongol Conquest (Beirut, 1972), 135-60. See also J. A. Sokoly, 'Towards a Model of Early Islamic Textile Institutions in Egypt' and Y. K. Stillman, 'Textiles and Patterns Come to Life Through the Cairo Geniza', both Riggisberger Berichte 5 (1996), 115-22 and 35-52, respectively.

100. Trésors fatimides du Caire, exh. cat., 'Institut du Monde Arabe, 28 April-30 August 1998, cat. no. 209, pp. 232-33; one other piece in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, acc. no. 29.136.4, unpublished, and that in Tissus d'Egypte témoins du monde arabe VIII-XV siecles, Collection Bouvier, exh. cat., Musée d'Art et d'Histoire, Geneva, 1993-94, cat. no. 134. The most important of these is, unquestionably, the Veil of Saint Anne, which is complete and dated and bears the name of the ruler and his vizier - thus providing the date for the few extant fragments of the same type. However, it is difficult to reproduce and, when shown in detail, the individual motifs are not rendered as beautifully as those on the New York fragment illustrated here.

101. Serjeant, Islamic Textiles, 142-43. In addition to that illustrated here and that mentioned in the previous note, the Metropolitan Museum of Art possesses two simpler fragments of this textile category. Employing a minimal amount of silk, these may have been knock-offs for the hoi polloi of the epitome in royal fashion at the turn of the eleventh century (acc. nos 1974.112.14a and 1974.113.14b).

102. Ernst Kuhnel, 'Four Remarkable Tiraz Textiles', in G. C. Miles, ed., Archeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst Herzfeld (Locust Valley, N.Y., 1952), 144-49.

103. The largest published group of such animals of copper alloy is to be found in G. Migeon, Manuel d'art musulman (Paris, 1927), figs 182-91; the only more critical evaluation is by K. Erdmann, 'Islamische Giessgefasse des II Jahrhunderts', Pantheon 22 (1938), 251-54. See also E. C. Dodd, 'On the Origins of Medieval Dinanderie: The Equestrian Statue in Islam', Art Bulletin 51 (1969), 220-32; and 'On a Bronze Rabbit from Fatimid Egypt', Kunst des Orients 8 (1972), 60-76.

104. See The Art of Medieval Spain<, A.D. 500-1200 (exh. cat., New York, 1993), illustration p. 81.

105. M. Jenkins, 'New Evidence for the Possible Provenance and Fate of the So-Called Pisa Griffin', Islamic Archaeological Studies I (1978) (Cairo, 1982), 79-85. For two different views see A. S. Melikian-Chirvani, 'Le Griffon iranien de Pise: matériaux pour un corpus de l'argenterie et du bronze iraniens, III', Kunst des Orients 5 (1968), 68-86, and Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, exh. cat., New York, 1992, cat. no. 115, pp. 216-18. A large metal lion sculpture recently sold at auction and published in Curatola, Eredità dell'Islam, pp. 128-29, Figures 43a and 43b, shares a number of striking technical and stylistic parallels with the so-called Pisa griffin. Since scientific and art historical research currently being undertaken on the lion, as this book goes to press, seems to be pointing to a European and not an Islamic provenance for that object, all prior attributions for the griffin - including that presented here -must be considered as under review at this time.

106. Judging from the decoration on these two sculptures, however, it seems plausible to assume that from the small copper-alloy figure of a long-eared deer in the Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, no. 15062 (see E. C. Dodd, 'On a Bronze Rabbit from Fatimid Egypt', Kunst des Orients 8 (1972), fig. 13), the development progressed into the type of copper-alloy sculpture represented by the rabbit which, in turn, points the way to the griffin.

107. E. Meyer, 'Romanische Bronzen und ihre islamischen Vorbilder', in R. Ettinghausen, ed., Aus der Welt der islamischen Kunst, 317-22.

108. Art of Medieval Spain, no. 47, pp. 99-100. Dr Carboni's reading of the inscription on this object not only confirmed the sources regarding silver objects with niello decoration but provided us with proof of the beauty of their execution. See also S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, Vol. IV (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London, 1983), 223 and note 533, p. 429. In October 1998 a massive hoard of about six hundred copper-alloy objects was excavated in Tiberias under the auspices of the Archeological Institute of The Hebrew University. Found in conjunction with coins, this large cache of candelabra, bowls, trays, jugs, oil lamps, incense burners, numerous receptacles and house-hold items such as handles and legs of furniture promises to revolutionize our understanding of the metalworking industry during the Fatimid period. In spite of numerous requests, the authors were unable to secure any photographs of this material or to ascertain the dates of the coins. Another large cache, of more than two hundred - principally metal - objects, was found in 1995 during the ongoing excavations in Caesarea conducted by the combined Caesarea Expedition and the Israeli Antiquities Authority. See Ayala Lester, Y. D. Arnon and Rachel Polak, 'The Fatimid Hoard from Caesarea: A Preliminary Report,' in L'Egypte fatimide son art et son histoire (ed. M. Barrucand), Paris, 1999, pp. 233-48. Among the metal finds are candlesticks, basins, jugs, bowls, trays, and braziers. Unlike the Tiberias hoard, however, no coins were found in the Caesarea cache.

109. Glory of Byzantium, cat. nos. 274-78, pp. 418-21.

110. For example, see Ettinghausen, Early Realism in Islamic Art, 267-69; Arab Painting (Geneva, 1962), 54-6; and E. J. Grube, The World of Islam (London, 1966), 67. See also O. Grabar, 'Fatimid Art, Precursor or Culmination', in S. H. Nasr, ed., Isma'ili Contributions to Islamic Culture (Tehran, 1977), esp. 218.

111. Since any direct Fatimid influence on the style or iconography of the wooden ceiling of the Cappella Palatina in the Norman royal residence in Palermo, Sicily (built for the Christian king Roger II in the 1140s), is impossible to prove (there being no documents or inscriptions to indicate the nationality of the craftsmen responsible) and up to now has only been conjectured, this monument will be discussed not here but in Chapter 8.

112. D. S. Rice, 'A Drawing of the Fatimid Period', Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 21 (1958),31-39, and Dalu Jones, 'Notes on a Tattooed Musician: A Drawing of the Fatimid Period', Art and Archaeology Researth Papers 7 (1975), 1-14. B. Gray, 'A Fatimid Drawing', British Museum Quarterly 12 (1938), 91-96. E. J. Grube, 'Three Miniatures from Fustat in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York', Ars Orientalis 5 (1963), 89-95, pls 1-6. Contrary to the view expressed by the latter author, the relationship of text to illustration on both the verso and the recto of the folio illustrated [343] is not clear and it is doubtful that Kab al-Ahbar himself is the author of the manuscript. For the most recent bibliography on such drawings, in general, cf. Schatze der Kalifen, cat. nos 20-25, 28-32, 36, 37, 41, 121, pp. 84-93, 95-96, 99, and 154-55.

113. Ibn al-Zubayr, trans. Gh. H. Qaddumi, op.cit., paragraph 413.

114. Contadini, Fatimid Art, 11, 12, figs 7, 8 notwithstanding. Other than the date of the manuscript in the Chester Beatty Library cited by her (a date that falls during the rule of a number of other Muslim dynasties besides the Fatimid), she gives no cogent and supportable reason for that particular Qur'an to qualify as the only Fatimid Egyptian Qur'an to have survived to this day.

115. These are the Geniza documents whose data has been analysed but not exhausted by S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, 6 vols (Berkeley, 1967-93).

116. The most accessible document is the Kitab al-Dhakha'ir, trans. G. Qaddumi, Book of Gifts (Cambridge, 1996).

117. These episodes have been integrated in a broad fresco of artistic collecting by Joseph Alsop, The Rare Art Traditions (Princeton, 1981), 156.

118. I. Bierman, Writing Signs.

119. O. Grabar, The Shape of the Holy (Princeton, 1996), 135 ff.

120. Nasir-i Khosrow, Sefer-nameh (tr. Albany, 1986) pp. 42-57.

121. See another form of these conclusions in O. Grabar, 'Le Problème de l'art fatimide', in M. Barrucand, ed., L'Egypte fatimide son art et son histoire (Paris, 1999).

122. R. Ettinghausen, 'Early Realism in Islamic Art', in Collected Papers, 158.

123. Some preliminary thoughts were presented by O. Grabar in 'Imperial and Urban Art in Islam', with a response by M. Jenkins in 'Western Islamic Influences.'

124. J. Bloom, 'The Origins of Fatimid Art', Muqarnas 3 (1985), pp. 20-38 hinted in this direction in a persuasive and provocative paper.

125. Topography and bibliography of Baghdad in G. Makdisi, 'The Topography of Eleventh Century Baghdad', Arabica 6 (1959); S. A. Ali, Baghdad, madinat al-salam (Baghdad, 1985), for a general survey of the city. Introductions to other cities can be found in the Encyclopedia of Islam.

126. A. Hartmann, An-Nasir li-Din Allah (Wiesbaden, 1975).

127. For the eleventh century and earlier the main source is al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, ed. and trans. G. Salmon, L'Introduction topographique (Paris, 1904); then Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam (Hyadarabad, 1938 and ff.). See also J. Lassner, The Topography of Baghdad in the Early Middle Ages (Detroit, 1970).

128. Creswell, MAE 2, 124 ff.; H. Schmid, 'Die Madrasa al-Mustansiriyya in Baghdad', Architectura 9 (1979). Hillenbrand, Architecture, 223-24.

129. L. Massignon, Mission en Mesopotamie 2 (Cairo, 1912), 41 ff.; see also F. Sarre and E. Herzfeld, Archäologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet (Forschungen zur islamischen Kunst I) (Berlin, 1911), I, 44-45.

130. E. Herzfeld, 'Damascus', Ars Islamica 9, 13-14 (1942), 18 ff.; also M. Jawad, 'Al-Imarat al islamiyah', Sumer 3 (1947), 38 ff. Y. Tabbaa, 'The Muqarnas Dome', Muqarnas 3 (1985), to be revised and put in a wider context in his forthcoming Transformations in Islamic Architecture during the Sunni Revival.

131. Herzfeld, Reise 1, 151 ff.

132. M. Awad, 'Al-Qasr al-Abbasi', Sumer I (1945).

133. Sarre and Herzfeld, Reise 2, 151 ff.; Massignon, Mission 2, 47 ff.

134. Creswell, EMA 1, 644 ff.; D. S. Rice, 'Medieval Harran', Anatolian Studies 2 (1952).

135. See Max van Berchem and J. Strzygowski, Amida (Heidelberg, 1910) I; A. Gabriel, Voyages archéologiques (Paris, 1940) I, 85 ff.; M. Sözen, Diyarbakir'da Turk Mimarisi, (Istanbul, 1971); also a general attempt at characterizing Ortoqid architecture by A. Altun, Anadoluda Devri Türk Mimarisinin Gelismesi (Istanbul, 1978).

136. Archeological investigations, especially rescue operations surrounding the building of dams on the Euphrates, are slowly bringing to light interesting new documents on the material culture of the area; see, for example, Scott Redford, 'Excavations at Gritille', Anatolian Studies 36 (1986).

137. N. Elisséev, 'Les Monuments de Nur al-Din', Bulletin des Etudes Orientales 13 (1949-50). Y. Tabbaa's thesis The Architectural Patronage of Nur al-Din, New York University, 1982.

138. Excellent introduction by M. Meinecke, 'Rakka', in Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd ed.

139. Sarre and Herzfeld, Reise 2, 215 ff.

140. Elisséev, 'Les Monuments', 37-38.

141. Sarre and Herzfeld, Reise I, 123 ff.; D. Sourdel and J. Sourdel-Thomine, 'Notes d'épigraphie et de topographie', Annales Archéologiques de Syrie 3 (1953). The minaret has, since then, been relocated; A. Raymond and others, Balis II: Histoire de Balis (Damascus, 1995) for an introduction to the site.

142. A. Gabriel, 'Dunaysir', Ars Islamica 4 (1936).

143. Gabriel, Voyages Archéologiques, 227 ff.

144. Gabriel, Voyages archéologiques, 263 ff.

145. Gabrlel, Voyages archéologiques, 221 ff.; see also Sauvaget in AIEO 4 (1938), 82 ff.

146. Gabriel, Voyages archéologiques, 255 ff.

147. Gabriel, Voyages archéologiques, 3 ff.; see also Ara Altun, Mardinde Türk devri mimarsi (Istanbul, 1971).

148. This had been established by Gabriel and Sauvaget in Voyages, 184 ff. For interpretations see T. Allen, A Classical Revival in Islamic Architecture (Wiesbaden, 1986), and T. Sinclair, 'Early Artukid Mosque Architecture', in J. Raby, ed., The Art of Syria and the Jazira 1100-1250 (Oxford, 1985).

149. S. al-Diwahji, 'Madaris al-Mausil', Sumer 13 (1957).

150. Gabriel, Voyages archéologiques, 195 ff.

151. Sarre and Herzfeld, Reise 2, 234 ff. More recently some archaeological work has been accomplished in some of these shrines; Said al-Diwahji in Sumer 10 (1954). It should be added that the plans published by Sarre and Herzfeld are far from reliable.

152. For these see mostly C. Preusser, Nordmesopotamische Baudenkmäler (Leipzig, 1911), 2 ff. For related Christian monuments see J. M. Fiey, Assyrie chrétienne (Beirut, 1965) and Mossul chrétienne (Beirut, 1959).

153. Al-Harawi, Guide des lieux de pélerinage, trans. J. Sourdel-Thomine (Damascus, 1957), 135-59.

154. G. Bell, Amurath to Aurath (London, 1924), 48-51; Elisséev, Monuments, 36; the site has recently been investigated by A. R. Zaqzuq, 'Fouilles de la citadelle de Jabar', Syria 62 (1985); Cristina Tonghini, Qalat Jabbar Pottery (Oxford, 1998).

155. Elisséev, Monuments, 36-37.

156. Gabriel, Voyages archéologiques.

157. Rice, 'Medieval Harran'.

158. J. Warren, Art and Archaeology Papers 13 (1978); C. Hillenbrand in Raby, ed., Syria and the Jazira.

159. Sarre and Herzfeld, Reise 2, 239.

160. Sarre and Herzfeld, Reise 2, 11.

161. W. Hartner, 'The Pseudoplanetary Nodes of the Moon's Orbit', Ars Islamica 5 (1937), has explained them and provides sources for its original publication by C. Preusser.

162. For Aleppo the classical study is by J. Sauvaget, Alep (Paris, 1941); it has been much revised in recent years; E. Wirth and H. Gaube, Aleppo: historische und geographische Beiträge (Wiesbaden, 1984), present a very different view of the city. For Damascus, Sauvaget, 'Esquisse d'une histoire de la ville de Damas', Revue des Etudes Islamiques 8 (1934), 421-80, and now Dorothee Sack, Damaskus: Entwicklung und Struktur einer orientalisch-islamischen Stadt (Mainz am Rhein, 1989).

163. See e.g. J. Sourdel-Thomine, 'Le Peuplement de la région des "villes mortes"', Arabica I (1954); D. Sourdel, 'Ruhin, lieu de pelerinage musulman', Syria 30 (1953).

164. E. Herzfeld, Matériaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum: Syrie du Nord: Alep (Cairo, 1954), 143 ff.; Sauvaget, Alep, and 'Inventaire des monuments musulman de la ville d'Alep', Revue des Etudes Islamiques 5 (1931), 73; Wirth and Gaube, Aleppo; and now Y. Tabbaa, Construction of Power and Piety in Medieval Aleppo (University Park, PA 1997).

165. J. Sauvaget, Les Monuments historiques de Damas (Beirut, 1932), 16; Sack, Damaskus.

166. J. Sauvaget, 'Les Inscriptions arabes de la mosquée de Bosra', Syria 22 (1941); M. Meinecke, Patterns of Stylistic Change in Islamic Architecture (New York, 1995), 31 ff.

167. Best account in Max van Berchem, Matériaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum. Deuxième partie; Syrie du Sud: Jérusalem (MIFAO 42-45), 2 vols (Cairo, 1920-27). A thesis on the subject of Ayyubid monuments in Jerusalem is being completed by M. Harawy at Oxford University; in the meantime see S. Jarrar, 'Suq al-Marifa: An Ayyubid Hanbalite Shrine in al-Haram al-Sharif', Muqarnas 15 (1998).

168. Sauvaget, Monuments, 95-96; E. Herzfeld, 'Damascus: Studies in Architecture - IV', Ars Islamica 13-14 (1948), 1118 ff.

169. Sauvaget, Monuments, 64; Herzfeld, 'Damascus', 123 ff.

170. Sauvaget, 'Inventaire', 82 and 86 for a few remains; D. Sourdel, ed., La Description d'Alep d'Ibn Shaddad (Damascus, 1953), 42 ff.

171. R. Lewcock in W. Daum, ed., Yemen, (Innsbruck, 1987); B. Finster, 'An Outline of the History of Islamic Religious Architecture in Yemen', Muqarnas 9 (1992), for an introduction to the subject with bibliographies.

172. Creswell, MAE 2, 94 ff.

173. J. Sauvaget el al., Monuments ayyoubides de Damas, 4 vols (Paris, 1938 ff.) 1, 120.

174. On these issues see now Tabbaa, Medieval Aleppo and his forthcoming Sunni Revival.

175. E. Herzfeld, 'Damascus: Studies in Architecture - II', Ars Islamica 11-12 (1946), 32-38.

176. Sauvaget, Monuments, 100-02.

177. Summarized in Creswell, MAE 2, 104 ff.

178. Creswell, MAE, 64 ff.

179. Creswell, MAE, 88 ff.

180. J. Sauvaget et al., Monuments ayyoubides 3, 92 ff.; M. Ecochard and C. LeCocur, Les Bains de Damas, 2 vols (Beirut, 1942-43); for Aleppo see Sauvaget, 'Inventaire'.

181. J. Sauvaget, 'Caravanserails syrens', Ars Islamica 6 (1939).

182. Sourdel, ed., La Description d'Alep d'Ibn Shaddad, 2.

183. Sauvaget, Monuments Ayyoubides, 46; E. Herzfeld, 'Damascus: Studies in Architecture - I', Ars Islamica 9 (1942), 1-53.

184. T. Allen, Five Essays on Islamic Art (Sebastopol, CA, 1988).

185. S. Saouaf, The Citadel of Aleppo (Aleppo, 1958); Herzfeld, Matériaux 77ff.; Rogers, The Spread of Islam (Oxford, 1976), 43 ff.; Tabbaa, Aleppo, 53 ff.

186. D. J. Cathcart King, 'The Defenses of the Citadel of Damascus', Archaeologia 94 (1951). The building has now been cleared and is in the process of being investigated.

187. Creswell, MAE 2, 1-63; N. Rabbat, The Citadel of Cairo (Leiden,1995) which, however, deals primarily with its later phases.

188. A. Abel, La Citadelle ayyubite de Bosra', Annales Archéologiques de Syrie 6 (1956).

189. Sourdel, ed., La Description d'Alep d'Ibn Shaddad, 24; Herzfeld, Alep, 134-45.

190. J. Sauvaget, 'L'Architecture musulmane en Syrie', Revue des Arts Asiatiques 3 (1934); further remarks throughout other studies by Sauvaget and Herzfeld, as well as in specialized articles such as J. Lauffray, 'Une madrasa ayyoubide de la Syrie du Nord', Annales Archéologiques de Syrie 3 (1953) and especially maurice Ecochard, Filiation de monuments grecs, byzantins et islamiques (Paris, 1977), summarizing some of his earlier works on architectural forms and their creation.

191. Monuments ayyoubides I, 21-23. However, it was already used in the eighth century at Qasr al-Hayr West, where stone and brick were used together.

192. Creswell, MAE 2, pl. 19; many instances exist in Syria.

193. Besides Herzfeld's work and J. Sourdel-Thomine's contribution in Monuments ayyoubides 4, see the classic article by Max van Berchem, 'Inscriptions arabes de Syrie', Mémoires de l'Institut Egyptien 3 (1900) and Tabbaa, Aleppo, 99 ff.

194. Monuments ayyoubides 2, pl. XV.

195. Creswell, MAE 2, 84 ff.

196. Monuments ayyoubides 3, 121 ff.

197. Creswell, MAE 2, p. 138, note 5.

198. For instance J. Sauvaget, Les Perles Choisies d'Ibn ach-Chihna (Beirut, 1933), 136.

199. Tabbaa, 'Survivals and Archaisms in the Architecture of Northern Syria', Muqarnas 10 (1993); Terry Allen, A Classical Revival.

200. For Mayyafariqin see A. Gabriel, Monuments turcs d'Anatolie (Paris, 1931-34) 2, 143.

201. F. Sarre, Reise in Kleinasien (Berlin, 1986), 47-48; Sarre, Konia (Berlin, 1921); I. H. Konyali, Konya Tarihi (Konya, 1964), esp. 293 ff; Scott Redford, 'The Aleddin Mosque', Artibus Asiae, 51 (1991); T. Baykara, Türkiye Selcuklurlari Devrinde Konya (Ankara, 1985).

202. Gabriel, Monuments, 32 ff.

203. Gabriel, Monuments 2, 39 ff and 174 ff.

204. Gabriel, Monuments 2, 173 ff.

205. Gabriel, Monuments 2, 176; B. Ünsal, Turkish Islamic Architecture (London, 1959), 17. The mosque is attributed to a vizier of Kilicarslan II in the late twelfth century; for justification see E. Diez and O. Aslanapa, Türk Sanati (Istanbul, 1955), 55.

206. Gabriel, Monuments 1, 62 ff and 46 ff.

207. Gabriel, Monuments 2, 155 ff.

208. Sarre, Reise, 51-54; Konyali, Konya Tarihi, 4 523 ff; Baykara, Konya.

209. Ünsal, Architecture, 36-38; S. K. Yetkin, Turkish Architecture (London, 1966), 22 ff; for the problem of the building's date see M. J. Rogers, 'The Date of the Cifte Minare Madrasa', Kunst des Orients 8 (1974).

210. Sarre, Reise, 48-51; Yetkin, Turkish Architecture, 28 ff; Konyali, Konya Tarihi, 950, 1049.

211. D. Kuban, Anadolu-Türk Mimarisinin Kaynak ve Sorunlari (Istanbul, 1965), argues for the convergence between Islamic needs and local practices; see S. Redford, 'The Seljugs of Rum and the Antique', Muqarnas 10 (1993).

212. Thus Amasya in Ünsal, Architecture, 45 and Yetkin, Turkish Architecture, 35 ff.

213. For the waqfs or endowment deeds in Anatolia see A. Durukan, 'Anadolu Selçukler Sanati Açinsinlari Vakfieyeleri Önemi', Vakiflar Dergisi 26 (1997).

214. H. W. Duda, Die Seldschukengeschichte des Ibn Bibi (Copenhagen, 1959), 146-48.

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